Removal of Sanger’s Name from Her Clinic

Re “Planned Parenthood in N.Y. Disavows Margaret Sanger Over Eugenics” (Washington Post, July 22):Sanger’s 1st clinic at 17 West 16th Street, NYC

Margaret Sanger pushed her way into the (then) widely respected eugenics movement in order to win greater acceptance for birth control, which was illegal and associated with promiscuity and prostitution. Yet she vehemently opposed the eugenics movement’s principal goal: increasing middle- and upper-class childbearing.

Sanger believed that every woman, regardless of class, religion, or race, should be able to decide when and if to have children. The exception she made, which was broadly supported, was for those who were incapable of caring for a child or were at risk of passing on a disease or defect. Today we see a troubling disconnect between Sanger’s lifelong fight for women’s reproductive freedom and her inability to extend rights and liberties to the mentally and physically disabled.

But it’s important not to let the decision by Planned Parenthood of Greater N.Y. legitimize the accusation made by many on the right that Sanger was a racist intent on limiting the reproduction of people of color. Sanger never defined fitness for parenthood in racial terms and worked closely with Black leaders and in Black communities to improve access to contraception.

Peter Engelman

Conway, Mass.

lost and found

О!
сколько нам открытий чюдных готовит гуголь ?

совсем внезапно, работая в трёхпоколенном направлении обнаружил библиотеку, а там — она :)

Margaret (nee: Higgins) Sanger risked scandal, danger, and imprisonment to challenge the legal and cultural obstacles that made controlling fertility difficult and illegal. Ms. Sanger viewed birth control as a woman’s issue and she was prepared to take on the medical establishment, the churches, the legislatures, and the courts. She was persuasive, tireless, single-minded, and unafraid of a fight. On October 16,1916 she opened a birth control clinic in Brooklyn, was arrested, and served thirty days for distributing information about contraceptives. From that experience, Sanger moved on to assume leadership of the struggle for free access to birth control. In 1921 she founded the American Birth Control League, the precursor to the Planned Parenthood Federation, and spent her next three decades campaigning to bring safe and effective birth control into the American mainstream.

Birth Strike vs Eugenic Feminism

Differing Conceptions of “Voluntary Motherhood”: Yamakawa Kikue’s Birth Strike and Ishimoto Shizue’s Eugenic Feminism

Sujin Lee U.S.–JAPAN WOMEN’S JOURNAL NO. 52, 2017

Yamakawa Kikue (1890-1980) and Ishimoto Shizue (1897-2001, later Katō Shizue after marrying labor activist Katō Kanju in 1944) were feminist pioneers of the birth control movement and established the first birth control organization in Japan, the Japan Birth Control Research Group (Nihon Sanji Chōsetsu Kenkyūkai), in May 1922, led by Ishimoto. Ishimoto observed Sanger’s birth control movement firsthand during her stay in  New York between 1919 and 1920. After returning to Japan in September 1920, Ishimoto worked to introduce birth control to Japanese society.

Although the organization disbanded less than a year later, the birth control movement continued throughout the interwar period as different actors— social reformists, proletarian activists, and feminists—agreed on the need to control population size and improve the “quality” of the Japanese population on eugenic grounds.

...my article analyzes the intersection of population discourses, feminist movements, and transnational birth control campaigns...

The crux of Sanger’s birth control movement was to promote women’s reproductive autonomy to transform the womb from the birthplace of poverty into the birthplace of a healthy race.

Yamakawa introduced Japanese audiences to Sanger’s concept of voluntary motherhood in her 1920 article “The Curse of Pronatalism” (Tasan shugi no noroi) in the magazine Taikan (General Views).

The concept of voluntary motherhood implied a causal link between a mother’s freedom and her potential to improve racial quality. It was therefore gendered and racialized freedom that Sanger pursued through the birth control movement.

both Neo-Malthusianism and socialism shared an economic determinism concerning the relationship between population and resources. Whereas Neo-Malthusianists believed that the balance between population and resources could be acquired by reducing population growth, socialists advocated an equal distribution of wealth or an increase in wealth. Yamakawa positioned herself as a critic of Neo-Malthusianism and socialism to remind both groups of the fact that birth control had to be a permanent goal even after overpopulation or poverty was resolved by the proletarian revolution (Yamakawa 1921a, 284-286). In her view, voluntary motherhood could not be reduced to economic determinism but instead retained its own merit as an expression of individual free will.

Sanger (1920, 9) asserted that the misery of the proletariat originated in their sexuality and, furthermore, that their sexuality served capitalism as its accomplice. Whereas Sanger problematized overpopulation as an immediate reality that working-class mothers themselves created, Yamakawa grasped the ideological tactics of the population problem, which inverted the causation of poverty. Yamakawa reframed birth control as a means of protest against the capitalist system. She advocated birth control as a weapon specically for the proletariat against exploitation and oppression and as a way of ghting the instrumentalization of women as breeding machines.

Yamakawa asserted that women’s rights to reproductive choice had to be protected even in a socialist state. Yamakawa (1921b, 247) asserts:

In short, [in an ideal society], people should be able to choose whether to give birth or not at their free will, just like they do when deciding marriage… I have no doubt that the difculties in getting married for economic reasons would be solved in the future. However, that cannot be directly linked to the conclusion that women will no longer need reproductive choice. In the same manner, the uselessness of contraception for economic reasons should be distinguished from the issue of birth control as women’s rights to decide on motherhood.

On the contrary, Ishikawa and many contemporary socialists left reproduction in the realm of nature, that is to say, the depoliticized sexuality of women.
In a pamphlet published by the Japan Birth Control Research Group in 1922, she advances the aim to breed better humans based on individuals’ “self- consciousness” and denes birth control as “a conscious control of population, far from race suicide or advocacy for sinful abortions”
This refashioned feminism, or “eugenic feminism,” was the crux of Ishimoto’s argument for birth control. Ishimoto also found new political potential for women’s reproductive roles by imaging birth control as a scientic solution for overpopulation and racial degeneration.

The motherhood protection debate generally divided Japanese feminists into two camps: 1) those who argued for the rights of the mother, as represented by Hiratsuka, and 2) those who advocated women’s rights in general, led in part by Yosano.

In a pamphlet published by the Japan Birth Control Research Group in 1922, she {Ishimoto} advances the aim to breed better humans based on individuals’ “self- consciousness” and denes birth control as “a conscious control of population, far from race suicide or advocacy for sinful abortions”

these feminists’ concerns about reproduction were simultaneously the symptoms of the politico-economic representation of reproduction and the respective critiques of it, that is, the formation of women’s political subjectivity by means of reproductive autonomy. Regardless of their different ideological visions, both Yamakawa and Ishimoto emphasized the link between the voluntary control of reproduction and women’s autonomy.

sex workers don’t want saving

The tactics employed by the club’s opponents are well established and – unlike in this case – usually successful. Campaigns to revoke the licences of strip clubs on the grounds that they exploit women and attract sexually depraved men are nothing new. One of the earliest campaigns was led by the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice which was established in 1873, and targeted burlesque theatres, calling them the “habitats of sex crazed perverts”. Anti-vice activists would sneak into the clubs and report the “disorderly” and “lewd” acts they saw on stage to the licensing committee, demanding the venue’s licence be revoked.

from left to right

Это выбранное мной название: слева направо, как бе неслучайность подтверждает френдли текст:

Danil Boukhvalov 3 hrs ·

Глядя на все эти вымарывания с плакатов и из учебников различных домоганцев, приходит вот какое гегельянство на ум: а ведь прогрессивная идея действительно описала полный круг и постепенно вползла на консервативные позиции начав вещать и действовать как заправский консерватор.

С чего прогрессисты начинали слом старой морали и прочий подрывустоев - с заявлений о том, что половая функция она такая же как и прочие физиологические функции, совокупились - ну как обеда покушали, как мячик попинали или гайки покрутили. И принуждение к секесу - это всего лишь часть общего принуждения, принуждения, и пожалуй принуждение к труду и похуже будет, потому как труд на заводе он противоестественен. ...Шли годы, мёрли люди, падали самолёты... и что мы видим, оказывается наследники тех былых прогресситов утверждают, что секусиальная сфера она особенная, и принуждение в этой области оно гораздо хуже, чем не только принуждения к сверхурочным, но и вообще принуждения к работе, не говоря уж про такие мелочи как джентрификация принуждающая прислугу мотаться на низкооплачиваемую работу из пригорода (это как принуждение даж не осознают, велик - свят!) Так что, если принять, что нынешние прогрессисты заняли позиции (а зачастую и "жилплощадь", впрочем можно и без кавычек) вчерашних консерваторов вымарывание "грешников" с афишей - это вполне естественный результат, габитусы они пакетно наследуются (вместе с "жилплощадью").

Кстати интересно, как словечко "хуемразь" постепенно повторяет путь таких слов как гёзы и санкюлоты.

How foreign abortion bans hurt children

Children are in danger right now

With Memorial Day behind us and summer here, most kids in New York are finishing school or preparing for camp or dreaming of pools and extended playtime.

But this summer will be very, very different for one 10-year-old girl in Paraguay. Because she’s pregnant.

The girl’s doctors discovered the pregnancy after she complained of a stomachache. But despite the fact that the girl is 10 years old and that doctors have identified the pregnancy — the result of the girl being raped by her stepfather — as dangerous and high-risk, the Paraguayan government has refused her access to an abortion.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, seven countries ban abortion under all circumstances, even to save the life of the mother. Paraguay is not one of them. Even though the law of the land states that abortions are legal in instances that pose a significant threat to the health of the mother, the Paraguayan government continues to deny this child access to a potentially life-saving procedure. This constitutes a cruel denial of the girl’s basic human rights, tantamount to torture.

My grandmother, Margaret Sanger, founded the organizations that would become Planned Parenthood Federation of America and the International Planned Parenthood Federation — to provide education and services to men and women in an effort to end injustices like violence against women and enforced pregnancy. She believed that providing access to contraceptives and reproductive healthcare was integral in empowering women to fully engage and participate in their communities and live the lives they want. I followed in her footsteps and, as the head of Planned Parenthood New York City, heard from countless women who needlessly suffered before abortion became legal in New York.

Cases like this 10-year-old’s make it clear that that needless suffering hasn’t ended, especially if you look abroad. For instance, one out of every three women in Latin America is a mother before her 20th birthday. 20% of all adolescent pregnancies occur among girls younger than 15, and are often the result of sexual abuse within the family.

At IPPF Western Hemisphere Region clinics, we provide contraception and abortion services to women and girls who need them. What our clinic staff has seen firsthand is that blocking access to abortion and comprehensive reproductive health care doesn’t stop them from being needed, or even stop them from happening — it just keeps them from being safe. Due in large part to extensive abortion bans throughout the region, 95% of abortions in Latin America are performed in unsafe conditions that threaten the health and lives of women.

In fact, according to the World Health Organization, complications in pregnancy and childbirth are the leading cause of death among adolescent girls in developing countries. Specifically, in Latin America, girls who give birth before the age of 16 are four times more likely to die during childbirth than women in their 20s.

And yet politicians around the globe — including in Paraguay and the United States — have shut their eyes to common sense and public health by continuing to ban and criminalize abortion, even abortion in cases of rape or incest. Children should not be forced into motherhood and doctors should not be kept from providing life-saving care just because of political hurdles.

And in instances like the 10-year-old girl currently pregnant in Paraguay, government officials shouldn’t be able to act counter to the spirit of the law and put young girls in serious danger because of political whims or extreme beliefs.

That’s why a broad spectrum of human rights and international advocacy organizations are calling on the Paraguayan minister of public health and wellbeing, Dr. Antonio Barrios, to immediately intervene and grant the girl access to safe abortion services. By doing that, Dr. Barrios would be upholding Paraguayan law and following the advice of leading international medical authorities — and, potentially, saving the life of a very real girl who has already survived more trauma than a child of her age should ever be forced to encounter.

Sanger is the former President of Planned Parenthood of New York City and the current chair of the International Planned Parenthood Council. His grandmother was Margaret Sanger, who founded the birth control movement over 80 years ago.

Source

Stork Code

"Кодекс Аиста" обыгрывает модную тему отраслевых кодексов

Кортинко взято с ФБ Дэйвида Дизмора, отражает событие 19 января 1934 года

Проект Пирса (The Pierce Bill) предполагал изменения в закон Комстока (ФЗ 1873 года) -- удаление контрацепцтивов и информации о них из списка "непристойных". Судя по кортико, поправка, по-видимому.  на тот момент была обречена. Несмотря на поддержку Кэтрин Хепберн (мать Одри) и Маргарет Сэнгер.

По словам члена палаты представителей Вальтера Пирса  (демократ из Орегона), реформа необходима, поскольку по штатным и федеральным законам, народ.ам не может ни приобрести контрацептив, ни консцльтацию по применению. Тем не менее, на чорном рынке всё есть, но качество особенно консультаций не гарантировано.

Г-жа  Thomas McGoldrick (the International Federation of Catholic Alumni, как же бес попойщыны:) заявила, что сторонники контроля над рождаемостью  мотивированы коммерческими интересами, а не заботой о здоровьи женщин (числом и частотой беременностей).

Её мнение было поддержано одной из немногих женщин-членов Конгресса. Член палаты Мария Т. Нортон (демократ, Нью-Джерси), сказала: "Миссис Сэнгер может и удастся её коммерческое предприятие, но и в этом случае, Господь поможет детям, чьи чистота души и незамутнённость разума о самых глубоких тайнах жизни, стали целью грубых расчётов и грязных мерзостей, рассылаемых по почте". Ни один из обвинителей Сэнгер не предъявил никаких доказательств коммерческих мотивов Сэнгер.

Представители епископальной, лютеранской, методистов и баптистов конфессий выразили несогласие с поправкой Пирса, но высказались только двое некатолических свидетелей дали показания сегодня: Canon William Sheafe Chase of the International Reform Federation and Dr. Thomas E. Boorde, of the Christian Baptist Ministerial Conference, . Они присоединились к числу своих католических братьев в осуждении контроля над рождаемостью, как противоречащему законам природы и слову Божию.

Как и следовало ожидать, многие врачи свидетельствовали в пользу контрацепции, но несколько членов этой профессии выступили против. Один из них, доктор Говард Этвуд Келли из Университета Джонса Хопкинса, отец девяти детишек, назвал споры о контроле над рождаемостью "непостижимо тяжелыми и противными", подрывающими мораль в университетских кампусах. Американская медицинская ассоциация не выявила своей позиции по этому вопросу.

Хотя перспективы поправки Пирса туманн, её автор считает, что она имеет шанс пройти. Для облегчения озабоченности своих оппонентов в конгрессе, он добавил раздел, признающий право штатов, на собственные версии закона Комстока и продолжение рассматривать распространение контрацепции и информации о ней уголовным преступлением.

Конгресс так ничего и не сообразил с запретами Комстока (до 1971 года). Федеральный апелляционный суд в 1936 году ((U.S. vs. One Package of Japanese Pessaries) постановил что федералы не имеют права запрещать врачам получать контрацептивы почтой и предлагать их пациентам. В 1965 году, Верховный суд признал право на контрацепцию (Griswold).

Feminists for Choice Explore Issues of Sanger and Race

Нашёл проект сэнгеровских бумаг на wordpress'е


On the Feminists for Choice blog, Serena Freewomyn posted “Was Margaret Sanger a Racist?” The post offers a quick look at a topic much in the blogosphere, and while we don’t entirely agree with the author’s analysis, it at least adds some context to the debate .  The comments posted on the article are just as interesting as the blog itself.
In the interest of adding to the conversation, we’d like to provide a bit more information about Sanger and the Negro Project.
The Negro Project was an attempt to empower the black community to rise out of poverty through the use of birth control. The project was widely supported by black leaders, including Mary McLeod Bethune, W. E. B. DuBois, and Rev. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.

Sanger proposed this project because she wanted to help  “a group notoriously underprivileged and handicapped to a large measure by a ‘caste’ system that operates as an added weight upon their efforts to get a fair share of the better things in life. To give them the means of helping themselves is perhaps the richest gift of all. We believe birth control knowledge brought to this group, is the most direct, constructive aid that can be given them to improve their immediate situation.”
- Margaret Sanger to Mary Lasker on July 10, 1939. [Source]

Sanger was targeting the black community because, at the time, most of that community was at a disadvantage. The racism that wove through American history made it consistently more difficult for people of color to get ahead was the ‘caste’ system that left the black community, “notoriously underprivileged and handicapped”  according to Sanger. In conceiving this project Sanger wasn’t trying to use birth control as a means of getting rid of people of color; instead, she wanted the Negro Project to give a marginalized community power over their bodies and the ability to decide how many children to have. This would, in turn, make it easier for them to provide for themselves and get ahead.
Furthermore, Sanger did not enter the project without first observing a desire for reproductive health information from black women in the communities that she intended to work within.
Hazel Moore, a veteran lobbyist and health administrator, ran a birth control project under Sanger’s direction and found that black women in several Virginia counties were very responsive to birth control education. A 1938 trip to Tennessee further convinced Sanger of the desire of African-Americans in that region to control their fertility and the need for specific programs in birth control education aimed at the black community.
After observing this need Sanger teamed up with the Birth Control Federation of America to get funding for a campaign that would teach Southern black women about contraception. Unfortunately once they secured funding the project left Sanger’s control. She had wanted to train a black minister and a black doctor to tour the South, preaching about contraception in every city, church, and organization that they could. She believed that this step was necessary to drum up support and gain the community’s trust before launching a practical campaign that would actually supply contraception to black mothers.
The men running the Birth Control Federation of America decided that they wanted to go a different route, to include working birth control services for the black community into the general public health program, without any prior education in the community. They also refused Sanger’s idea to build a black-staffed clinic within the community, choosing instead a more mobile plan that swept in and out of the area like the vaccination caravans of the time.
The Negro Project was fairly problematic  because, as devised, it centralized control in the hands of white physicians, which did not empower the black community. It is important to note that this was not Sanger’s vision, this is what happened after her input in the project was ignored and her influence taken away.
Margaret Sanger’s papers make it clear that she wanted to develop a project that would empower black community leaders to bring contraception options and education to the people of their own communities. It’s unfortunate that she lost control of the project and it did not become what she had envisioned. It is also unfortunate that her efforts on behalf of people of color and other impoverished mothers have been turned into an example of some evil plot by writers who do not take the time to understand Sanger’s intentions.

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